Quotations Concerning Modernity and Democracy - in
America and the World
America and the World
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Reality
"Chances are that , for the foreseeable future,
our Presidents will have to operate within a
nearly evenly divided electorate, with political
debate driven by hard and vocal (and
disproportionately influntial) ideological
minorities, soft silent majorities, weak and
fractious parties, and hostile, irresponsible
mass media."
Wilfred M. McClay, Observations ("Nixon's
Fate, and Ours"), Commentary Magazine,
February 2008.
"In spite of the constitutional power of the
U.S. president in foreign policy, in most
cases, the president really doesn't have a
choice. Policies have institutionalized
themselves over the decades, and shifting
those policies has costs that presidents can't
absorb. There is a reason the United States
behaves as it does toward Russia, China
and Europe and these reasons usually are
powerful. Presidents do not simply make
policy. Rather, they align themselves with
existing reality...The United States does not
simply decide on policies. It responds to a
world that is setting America's
agenda...Presidents are not to be judged by
how they make history. They are to be
judged by how gracefully they submit to t he
rules that history lays down."
George Friedman, "Foreign Policy and the
President's Irrelevance", Strategic
Forecasting Report, February 2, 2008.
"Chances are that , for the foreseeable future,
our Presidents will have to operate within a
nearly evenly divided electorate, with political
debate driven by hard and vocal (and
disproportionately influntial) ideological
minorities, soft silent majorities, weak and
fractious parties, and hostile, irresponsible
mass media."
Wilfred M. McClay, Observations ("Nixon's
Fate, and Ours"), Commentary Magazine,
February 2008.
"In spite of the constitutional power of the
U.S. president in foreign policy, in most
cases, the president really doesn't have a
choice. Policies have institutionalized
themselves over the decades, and shifting
those policies has costs that presidents can't
absorb. There is a reason the United States
behaves as it does toward Russia, China
and Europe and these reasons usually are
powerful. Presidents do not simply make
policy. Rather, they align themselves with
existing reality...The United States does not
simply decide on policies. It responds to a
world that is setting America's
agenda...Presidents are not to be judged by
how they make history. They are to be
judged by how gracefully they submit to t he
rules that history lays down."
George Friedman, "Foreign Policy and the
President's Irrelevance", Strategic
Forecasting Report, February 2, 2008.
The Forgotten Continent (The Battle For Latin America's Soul) by Michael Reid
"The evidence is that most Latin Americans, for their part, want what most people everywhere else want: freedom, security, clean and
effective government, social provision and a vigorous capitalism that creates jobs, opportunities and prosperity."
"Equality before the law remains a distant prospect: the powerful can usually find ways to protect themselves; the poor often can not;
(but)...macroeconomic stability and open, market economies have become an enduring part of the scenery in many countries in the
region."
"Despite their prowess at football, a team sport, Latin Americans are often torn between gregarious and anarchic impulses. Across
the region , the family functions as both a powerful bulwark of social stability and an economic network (but) until recently there was a
striking absence in the region of the kind of voluntary civic groups that Alexis de Toqueville so admired in the United States."
"What matters is that decisions by the state should be predictable - the rule of law, rather than arbitrary dictatorial whim, or the opaque
bending of justice according to private interest."
"Democracy involves particular problems of collective action. But at least in theory, it holds out the possible peaceful resolution of
conflicts, of lasting political stability, of swift problem-solving, and the speedy copying of successful models within the region."
"In Latin America...populism was an overwhelming urban movement and ideology...(with) reliance on charismatic leadership. The
populist leaders were often great orators, or if you prefer, demagogues...(favouring) controlled, paternalistic mobilization of the masses
more than uninhibited, pluralistic democratic competition."
(Cuba's) "main fault lay with central planning, which has failed as a method of economic development the world over."
Quoting Richard Lagos, Chile's president 2000-2006 " No country can survive when dreams spill over, when polarization exacerbates
differences, and when the authority doesn't govern. Those were the mistakes. But after September 11th, 1973, came the horror"
(Pinochet coup).
"Past experience show(s) that gradual reform tends to peter out in the face of pressure from powerful local interest groups who benefit
from the subsides and rents of the old (Latin American) model."
"What made Brazil's progress all the more remarkable was that it was the fruit of the patient construction of democratic consensuses."
Quoting Carlos Salinas (Mexico): "There isn't a unique model for democracy. What there is, is the requirement to respect freedoms
and to allow equality of competition."
"Land reform is costly...in theory after a few years its beneficiaries are supposed to become 'emancipated', with their own land titles,
like other farmers. But in practice, very few settlements (make) that step."
"Patrimonialism: capture of public institutions by private interests. Clientelism: use of public resources, or award of public
employment, to sustain a political following. Clientelism, like populism, is far from dead. Politics everywhere involves trading favours."
"There are many definitions of democracy. At its simplest, in Joseph Schlumpeter's phrase, it is 'that institutional arrangement for
arriving at political decisions in which individuals acquire the power to decide through a competitive struggle for the people's vote'.
Others have identified three main elements in this arrangement: regular, free and competitive elections; the existence and
enforcement of constitutional rules to ensure civil and political rights; and mechanisms to ensure that nobody is unreasonably
excluded from exercising those rights and from participating in elections."
"Robert Dahl, a noted democratic theorist, lists six political institutions required by modern democracies: elected officials; free, fair and
frequent elections; freedom of expression; alternative sources of information; 'association autonomy'; and 'inclusive citizenship'.
"Arrival means not just that democracy should be stable but also that it should ensure that its citizens should enjoy the rule of law,
backed by an effective state capable of regulating the market and providing public goods (e.g. security and clean air)."
"Only democracies have the legitimacy to offer a long-term guarantee of property rights. They tend to be better at enforcing the rule of
law and at fostering education, both of which are needed for sustained economic growth. Market capitalism tends to produce a large
middle class of property owners who have an interest in education, freedom, participation and the rule of law. Conversely, it is no
coincidence that stable democracies all have market economies, since a command economy is inimical to political pluralism and
competition. But, as Dahl has pointed out, the close association between democracy and market capitalism conceals a paradox, in
that market economies generate inequalities in 'political resources' (i.e. influence and access). The undue influence of the rich and
powerful poses a special challenge to democracy in egregiously unequal societies."
"Two sharply different 'lefts' have emerged in Latin America in recent years. One is social-democratic and pragmatic...the other left is
one of radical populists and socialists."
"Prohibition (has) failed to eliminate demand. But around the world few politicians (have) had the courage to admit that." (drugs)
"A new social contract: the need to provide an effective safety net for the poor, the unskilled and unemployed, while investing more in
education, training, infrastructure and healthcare. Governments also need to do more to promote innovation, research and
development and to let their companies compete without bureaucratic hindrance and oppressive regulation,"
"Extreme inequality provides fertile ground for populism...one lesson (is) that if capitalism is to thrive it needs to be underpinned by
effective state and social policies, which have to be paid for with an adequate level of tax revenues. Another lesson for the privileged
(is) that in a democracy the rule of law applies to everyone - even to them."
"The evidence is that most Latin Americans, for their part, want what most people everywhere else want: freedom, security, clean and
effective government, social provision and a vigorous capitalism that creates jobs, opportunities and prosperity."
"Equality before the law remains a distant prospect: the powerful can usually find ways to protect themselves; the poor often can not;
(but)...macroeconomic stability and open, market economies have become an enduring part of the scenery in many countries in the
region."
"Despite their prowess at football, a team sport, Latin Americans are often torn between gregarious and anarchic impulses. Across
the region , the family functions as both a powerful bulwark of social stability and an economic network (but) until recently there was a
striking absence in the region of the kind of voluntary civic groups that Alexis de Toqueville so admired in the United States."
"What matters is that decisions by the state should be predictable - the rule of law, rather than arbitrary dictatorial whim, or the opaque
bending of justice according to private interest."
"Democracy involves particular problems of collective action. But at least in theory, it holds out the possible peaceful resolution of
conflicts, of lasting political stability, of swift problem-solving, and the speedy copying of successful models within the region."
"In Latin America...populism was an overwhelming urban movement and ideology...(with) reliance on charismatic leadership. The
populist leaders were often great orators, or if you prefer, demagogues...(favouring) controlled, paternalistic mobilization of the masses
more than uninhibited, pluralistic democratic competition."
(Cuba's) "main fault lay with central planning, which has failed as a method of economic development the world over."
Quoting Richard Lagos, Chile's president 2000-2006 " No country can survive when dreams spill over, when polarization exacerbates
differences, and when the authority doesn't govern. Those were the mistakes. But after September 11th, 1973, came the horror"
(Pinochet coup).
"Past experience show(s) that gradual reform tends to peter out in the face of pressure from powerful local interest groups who benefit
from the subsides and rents of the old (Latin American) model."
"What made Brazil's progress all the more remarkable was that it was the fruit of the patient construction of democratic consensuses."
Quoting Carlos Salinas (Mexico): "There isn't a unique model for democracy. What there is, is the requirement to respect freedoms
and to allow equality of competition."
"Land reform is costly...in theory after a few years its beneficiaries are supposed to become 'emancipated', with their own land titles,
like other farmers. But in practice, very few settlements (make) that step."
"Patrimonialism: capture of public institutions by private interests. Clientelism: use of public resources, or award of public
employment, to sustain a political following. Clientelism, like populism, is far from dead. Politics everywhere involves trading favours."
"There are many definitions of democracy. At its simplest, in Joseph Schlumpeter's phrase, it is 'that institutional arrangement for
arriving at political decisions in which individuals acquire the power to decide through a competitive struggle for the people's vote'.
Others have identified three main elements in this arrangement: regular, free and competitive elections; the existence and
enforcement of constitutional rules to ensure civil and political rights; and mechanisms to ensure that nobody is unreasonably
excluded from exercising those rights and from participating in elections."
"Robert Dahl, a noted democratic theorist, lists six political institutions required by modern democracies: elected officials; free, fair and
frequent elections; freedom of expression; alternative sources of information; 'association autonomy'; and 'inclusive citizenship'.
"Arrival means not just that democracy should be stable but also that it should ensure that its citizens should enjoy the rule of law,
backed by an effective state capable of regulating the market and providing public goods (e.g. security and clean air)."
"Only democracies have the legitimacy to offer a long-term guarantee of property rights. They tend to be better at enforcing the rule of
law and at fostering education, both of which are needed for sustained economic growth. Market capitalism tends to produce a large
middle class of property owners who have an interest in education, freedom, participation and the rule of law. Conversely, it is no
coincidence that stable democracies all have market economies, since a command economy is inimical to political pluralism and
competition. But, as Dahl has pointed out, the close association between democracy and market capitalism conceals a paradox, in
that market economies generate inequalities in 'political resources' (i.e. influence and access). The undue influence of the rich and
powerful poses a special challenge to democracy in egregiously unequal societies."
"Two sharply different 'lefts' have emerged in Latin America in recent years. One is social-democratic and pragmatic...the other left is
one of radical populists and socialists."
"Prohibition (has) failed to eliminate demand. But around the world few politicians (have) had the courage to admit that." (drugs)
"A new social contract: the need to provide an effective safety net for the poor, the unskilled and unemployed, while investing more in
education, training, infrastructure and healthcare. Governments also need to do more to promote innovation, research and
development and to let their companies compete without bureaucratic hindrance and oppressive regulation,"
"Extreme inequality provides fertile ground for populism...one lesson (is) that if capitalism is to thrive it needs to be underpinned by
effective state and social policies, which have to be paid for with an adequate level of tax revenues. Another lesson for the privileged
(is) that in a democracy the rule of law applies to everyone - even to them."
Repeated from the Middle Ground home
page
Lee Kuan Yew led Singapore to
independence and served as prime minister
from 1959 until 1990 when he stepped down.
Under his leadership Singapore became an
economic powerhouse and global financial
center. In maintaining an authoritarian
system Mr. Lee argued that Western-style
democracy was unsuitable for many
non-Western nations. "Singaporean Leader
Warns of Iraq Crisis", Washington
Times.com, 2/15/08
"Unbridled capitalism, winner takes all like in
America, does not work unless you can cope
with an underclass. So here (Singapore) we
also stay with the losers, make sure they
have enough to live on, with health care,
equal education opportunities for their
children whose parents can no longer afford
it. It's very important they not feel abandoned.
So we have workfare and ingenuous ways to
keep them working as we don't want
layabouts doing nothing. We also subsidize
homes which they would not be able to buy.
A society can only survive if there is a sense
of equity and fair play."
page
Lee Kuan Yew led Singapore to
independence and served as prime minister
from 1959 until 1990 when he stepped down.
Under his leadership Singapore became an
economic powerhouse and global financial
center. In maintaining an authoritarian
system Mr. Lee argued that Western-style
democracy was unsuitable for many
non-Western nations. "Singaporean Leader
Warns of Iraq Crisis", Washington
Times.com, 2/15/08
"Unbridled capitalism, winner takes all like in
America, does not work unless you can cope
with an underclass. So here (Singapore) we
also stay with the losers, make sure they
have enough to live on, with health care,
equal education opportunities for their
children whose parents can no longer afford
it. It's very important they not feel abandoned.
So we have workfare and ingenuous ways to
keep them working as we don't want
layabouts doing nothing. We also subsidize
homes which they would not be able to buy.
A society can only survive if there is a sense
of equity and fair play."
"It's hard, perhaps, to recognize that the intellectually gifted who prosper in our post-industrial
economy do so in part based on unearned genetic advantage - a privilege that our sentimental
optimism about meritocracy and human potential conceals."
Rod Dreher, "What about kids who aren't smart enough?, Dallas Morning News, 25 May 2008
economy do so in part based on unearned genetic advantage - a privilege that our sentimental
optimism about meritocracy and human potential conceals."
Rod Dreher, "What about kids who aren't smart enough?, Dallas Morning News, 25 May 2008
For the People: American Populist Movements from the Revolution to the 1850s
by Ronald P. Formisano
“Since at least the early nineteenth century populism has been a central element of, if not the dominant theme of, the political culture of
the United States. Since the 1820s and 1830s, when electoral politics became permeated with an egalitarian ethos, even candidates
for office born on plantations have preferred to present themselves to the electorate as born in rude log cabins and have played upon
their ties to and sympathies for the common man.” (pg. 3)
“The problem posed by populist movements comes in their variety and capacity to express both right-wing (reactionary) and left-wing
(progressive) tendencies.” (pg. 3)
“What makes democracy work best: since World War II a strong current of thinking among political theorists has demoted the
desirability of popular participation by ordinary people in favor of minority elites who are said, above all, to lend stability to democratic
systems.” (pg. 3-4)
“A position embraced by most Democrats and Republicans today: …a blend of free-market economics and protection of personal
liberty…a synthesis of republicanism, liberalism, and a heritage of Christian communalism also helped to shape regard for the public
good and social justice.” (pg. 8)
“Entirely progressive or wholly reactionary movements seldom exist in reality but tend to be fabricated through reification or
transforming processes of idealizing or demonizing.” (pg. 10)
(Quoting Margaret Canovan) “Politics has escaped popular control. The message is, this is our polity, in which we, the democratic
sovereign, have a right to practice government by the people; but we have been shut out of power by corrupt politicians and an
unrepresentative elite who betray our interests, ignore our opinions, and treat us with contempt.” (pg. 10)
“Popular sovereignty is a fiction because while the people may be the source of legitimacy, they themselves cannot rule; through the
mechanism of representative government elites rule in the name of the people.” (pg. 17)
“The populist ideal of the people’s sovereignty, in promising more than it could deliver, led to instability and challenges to authority
during the early years of the republic and well into the nineteenth century.” (pg. 18)
“Always, of course, some champions of the people’s liberties sought power for themselves or for less than benevolent causes.” (pg.
21) “Opportunistic traditional politicians and others in various places quickly borrowed some version of a Working-Men’s label or
persona for themselves.” (pg. 85)
“The populist antipartyism that everywhere structured nativism and Know-Nothingism: everywhere the nativist movement had taken on
the mantle of reform against political corruption; everywhere it had denounced party managers as deceivers and manipulators with no
regard for the public welfare or republican values, who trampled on public welfare for partisan and private ends, including lining the
pockets of the party faithful. The sincerity or opportunism behind these declamations, depending on who issued them and where, may
be questioned, but not their ubiquity.” (pg. 214)
by Ronald P. Formisano
“Since at least the early nineteenth century populism has been a central element of, if not the dominant theme of, the political culture of
the United States. Since the 1820s and 1830s, when electoral politics became permeated with an egalitarian ethos, even candidates
for office born on plantations have preferred to present themselves to the electorate as born in rude log cabins and have played upon
their ties to and sympathies for the common man.” (pg. 3)
“The problem posed by populist movements comes in their variety and capacity to express both right-wing (reactionary) and left-wing
(progressive) tendencies.” (pg. 3)
“What makes democracy work best: since World War II a strong current of thinking among political theorists has demoted the
desirability of popular participation by ordinary people in favor of minority elites who are said, above all, to lend stability to democratic
systems.” (pg. 3-4)
“A position embraced by most Democrats and Republicans today: …a blend of free-market economics and protection of personal
liberty…a synthesis of republicanism, liberalism, and a heritage of Christian communalism also helped to shape regard for the public
good and social justice.” (pg. 8)
“Entirely progressive or wholly reactionary movements seldom exist in reality but tend to be fabricated through reification or
transforming processes of idealizing or demonizing.” (pg. 10)
(Quoting Margaret Canovan) “Politics has escaped popular control. The message is, this is our polity, in which we, the democratic
sovereign, have a right to practice government by the people; but we have been shut out of power by corrupt politicians and an
unrepresentative elite who betray our interests, ignore our opinions, and treat us with contempt.” (pg. 10)
“Popular sovereignty is a fiction because while the people may be the source of legitimacy, they themselves cannot rule; through the
mechanism of representative government elites rule in the name of the people.” (pg. 17)
“The populist ideal of the people’s sovereignty, in promising more than it could deliver, led to instability and challenges to authority
during the early years of the republic and well into the nineteenth century.” (pg. 18)
“Always, of course, some champions of the people’s liberties sought power for themselves or for less than benevolent causes.” (pg.
21) “Opportunistic traditional politicians and others in various places quickly borrowed some version of a Working-Men’s label or
persona for themselves.” (pg. 85)
“The populist antipartyism that everywhere structured nativism and Know-Nothingism: everywhere the nativist movement had taken on
the mantle of reform against political corruption; everywhere it had denounced party managers as deceivers and manipulators with no
regard for the public welfare or republican values, who trampled on public welfare for partisan and private ends, including lining the
pockets of the party faithful. The sincerity or opportunism behind these declamations, depending on who issued them and where, may
be questioned, but not their ubiquity.” (pg. 214)
AND WE THINK EVERYTHING IS NEW AND JUST BEGAN THIS ELECTION CYCLE
Liberal Fascism by Jonah Goldberg
"What truly makes the French Revolution the first fascist revolution was its effort to turn politics into religion. In this the revolutionaries
were inspired by Rousseau, whose concept of the general will divinized the people while rendering the person an afterthought." (pg.
13)
"With the demise of the Soviet Union and the vanishing memory of the great twentieth-century fascist and communist dictatorships, the
nightmare vision of 1984 is slowly fading away. In its place, Aldous Huxley's Brave New World is emerging as the more prophetic
book...what exactly was so bad about the Brave New World? Simply this: it is fool's gold...it will still result in a kind of benign tyranny
where some people get to impose their ideas of goodness and happiness on those who might not share them." (pg. 20-21)
"Fascism is a religion of the state. It assumes the organic unity of the body politic and longs for a national leader attuned to the will of
the people. It is totalitarianism in that it views everything as political and holds that any action by the state is justified to achieve the
common good. It takes responsibility fro all aspects of life, including our health and well-being, and seeks to impose uniformity of
thought and action, whether by force or through regulation, and social pressure. Everything, including the economy and religion, must
be aligned with its objectives. Any rival identity is part of the "problem" and therefore defined as the enemy. I will argue that
contemporary liberalism embodies all of these aspects of fascism." pg. 23
"Mussolini: it is faith that moves mountains, not reason. Reason is a tool, but it can never be the motive force of the crowd." (pg.36-37)
"Georges Sorel held that Marxist prophecy didn't need to be true. People just needed to think it was true...Sorel was an irrationalist
who took this sort of thinking to its logical conclusion: any idea that can be successfully imposed - with violence if necessary -
becomes true and good. by marrying James's will to believe with Nietzche's will to power, Sorel redesigned left-wing revolutionary
politics from scientific socialism to a revolutionary religious movement that believed in the utility of the myth of scientific socialism."
(pg. 37)
"Robespierre: If the spring of a popular government in time of peace is virtue, the springs of popular government in revolution are at
once virtue and terror; virtue, without which terror is fatal; terror, without which virtue is powerless. Terror is nothing other than justice,
prompt, severe, inflexible; it is therefore an emanation of virtue; it is not so much a special principle as it is a consequence of the
general principle of democracy applied to our country's most urgent needs. 'For the first time in history,' writes historian Marisa Linton,
'terror became an official government policy, with the stated aim to use violence in order to achieve a higher political goal.'" (pg. 42)
"Crisis is routinely identified as a core mechanism of fascism because it short-circuits debate and democratic deliberation." (pg. 43)
"Fascist and Nazi intellectuals constantly touted a 'middle' or 'Third Way' between capitalism and socialism...The 'middle way' sounds
moderate and un-radical. Its appeal is that it unideological and free thinking. But philosophically the Third Way is not mere difference
splitting; it is utopian and authoritarian . Its utopian aspect becomes manifest in its antagonism to the idea that politics is about
trade-offs...The Third Way holds that we can have capitalism and socialism, individual liberty and absolute unity...this is a political siren
song; life can never be made perfect because man is imperfect...it assumes the right man...can resolve all of these contradictions
through sheer will. The populist demagogue takes on the role of the parent telling the childlike masses that he can make everything
'all better' if they just trust him." (pg. 130)
"Progressivism came to be renamed 'liberalism.' In the past, liberalism had referred to political and economic liberty as understood
by Enlightenment thinkers like John Locke and Adam Smith...The Progressives, led by (John) Dewey, subtly changed the meaning of
the this term, importing the Prussian version of liberalism as the alleviation of material and educational poverty, and liberation from old
dogmas and old faiths. (pg. 221) Dewey held that 'natural rights and natural liberties exist only in the kingdom of mythological social
zoology' and that 'organized social control' via a 'socialized economy' was the only means to create 'free' individuals." (pg. 234)
"The relevance of the past is that unlike the conservative who has wrestled with his history to make sure he does not repeat it, liberals
see no need to do anything of the sort. And so, armed with complete confidence in their own good intentions, they happily go marching
past boundaries we should stay well clear of." (pg. 318)
"'Civil Society' is the term social scientists use to describe the way various groups, individuals, and families work for their own
purposes, the result of which is to make the society healthily democratic." (pg. 339)
"Hollywood, the most powerful de facto propaganda agency in human history." (pg 372)
"The problem with values relativism - the notion that all cultures are equal - is that important questions get decided via a contest of
political power rather than a contest of ideas, and every subculture in our balkanized society becomes a constituency for some
government functionary." (pg 396)
"Populist appeals to resentment against 'fat cats,' international bankers,' 'economic royalists,' and so on are the stock-in-trade of
fascist demagogues." (pg. 146)
"What truly makes the French Revolution the first fascist revolution was its effort to turn politics into religion. In this the revolutionaries
were inspired by Rousseau, whose concept of the general will divinized the people while rendering the person an afterthought." (pg.
13)
"With the demise of the Soviet Union and the vanishing memory of the great twentieth-century fascist and communist dictatorships, the
nightmare vision of 1984 is slowly fading away. In its place, Aldous Huxley's Brave New World is emerging as the more prophetic
book...what exactly was so bad about the Brave New World? Simply this: it is fool's gold...it will still result in a kind of benign tyranny
where some people get to impose their ideas of goodness and happiness on those who might not share them." (pg. 20-21)
"Fascism is a religion of the state. It assumes the organic unity of the body politic and longs for a national leader attuned to the will of
the people. It is totalitarianism in that it views everything as political and holds that any action by the state is justified to achieve the
common good. It takes responsibility fro all aspects of life, including our health and well-being, and seeks to impose uniformity of
thought and action, whether by force or through regulation, and social pressure. Everything, including the economy and religion, must
be aligned with its objectives. Any rival identity is part of the "problem" and therefore defined as the enemy. I will argue that
contemporary liberalism embodies all of these aspects of fascism." pg. 23
"Mussolini: it is faith that moves mountains, not reason. Reason is a tool, but it can never be the motive force of the crowd." (pg.36-37)
"Georges Sorel held that Marxist prophecy didn't need to be true. People just needed to think it was true...Sorel was an irrationalist
who took this sort of thinking to its logical conclusion: any idea that can be successfully imposed - with violence if necessary -
becomes true and good. by marrying James's will to believe with Nietzche's will to power, Sorel redesigned left-wing revolutionary
politics from scientific socialism to a revolutionary religious movement that believed in the utility of the myth of scientific socialism."
(pg. 37)
"Robespierre: If the spring of a popular government in time of peace is virtue, the springs of popular government in revolution are at
once virtue and terror; virtue, without which terror is fatal; terror, without which virtue is powerless. Terror is nothing other than justice,
prompt, severe, inflexible; it is therefore an emanation of virtue; it is not so much a special principle as it is a consequence of the
general principle of democracy applied to our country's most urgent needs. 'For the first time in history,' writes historian Marisa Linton,
'terror became an official government policy, with the stated aim to use violence in order to achieve a higher political goal.'" (pg. 42)
"Crisis is routinely identified as a core mechanism of fascism because it short-circuits debate and democratic deliberation." (pg. 43)
"Fascist and Nazi intellectuals constantly touted a 'middle' or 'Third Way' between capitalism and socialism...The 'middle way' sounds
moderate and un-radical. Its appeal is that it unideological and free thinking. But philosophically the Third Way is not mere difference
splitting; it is utopian and authoritarian . Its utopian aspect becomes manifest in its antagonism to the idea that politics is about
trade-offs...The Third Way holds that we can have capitalism and socialism, individual liberty and absolute unity...this is a political siren
song; life can never be made perfect because man is imperfect...it assumes the right man...can resolve all of these contradictions
through sheer will. The populist demagogue takes on the role of the parent telling the childlike masses that he can make everything
'all better' if they just trust him." (pg. 130)
"Progressivism came to be renamed 'liberalism.' In the past, liberalism had referred to political and economic liberty as understood
by Enlightenment thinkers like John Locke and Adam Smith...The Progressives, led by (John) Dewey, subtly changed the meaning of
the this term, importing the Prussian version of liberalism as the alleviation of material and educational poverty, and liberation from old
dogmas and old faiths. (pg. 221) Dewey held that 'natural rights and natural liberties exist only in the kingdom of mythological social
zoology' and that 'organized social control' via a 'socialized economy' was the only means to create 'free' individuals." (pg. 234)
"The relevance of the past is that unlike the conservative who has wrestled with his history to make sure he does not repeat it, liberals
see no need to do anything of the sort. And so, armed with complete confidence in their own good intentions, they happily go marching
past boundaries we should stay well clear of." (pg. 318)
"'Civil Society' is the term social scientists use to describe the way various groups, individuals, and families work for their own
purposes, the result of which is to make the society healthily democratic." (pg. 339)
"Hollywood, the most powerful de facto propaganda agency in human history." (pg 372)
"The problem with values relativism - the notion that all cultures are equal - is that important questions get decided via a contest of
political power rather than a contest of ideas, and every subculture in our balkanized society becomes a constituency for some
government functionary." (pg 396)
"Populist appeals to resentment against 'fat cats,' international bankers,' 'economic royalists,' and so on are the stock-in-trade of
fascist demagogues." (pg. 146)
The Construction of Democracy - Lessons From Practice & Research edited by Jorge I. Dominguez and Anthony Jones
"Building and Sustaining a Contemporary Democratic State" by Dominguez and Jones
"Parliamentary systems are based on unified control of the legislature and executive branches...presidentialism relies on separation
of the executive and legislative branches and are, consequently, less efficient and more prone to gridlock." (pg. 10)
"Strengthening Pluralism and Public Participation in New Democracies" by Grzegorz Ekiert and Anna Grzymala-Busse
"Responsible public participation can hardly rest on extremist or populist appeals, enticement to hatred and violence, or on antisystem
mobilization... (constraint) standard(s) of responsibility also apply to the internal workings of parties and organizations - well-defined
procedures, accountability, transparency, and respect for law should characterize their governance and finances. (pg. 25)
"(Public participation) is a complex matrix of the cultural, social, economic, historical, and geographic factors and specificities
associated with each democratic transition and consolidation...any strategy or policy recommendation has to be tailored to the specific
conditions of a given country." (pgs. 26-27)
"In designing the institutional framework for the media, steps should be taken to avoid monopolies on information, opportunities for
political interference, and excessive concentration through state or private ownership...at the same time, the press is expected to fulfill
its journalistic responsibilities as an essential part of free society" (pg. 27, 28)
"The chief challenge for democratic political parties is to navigate the demands of representation, responsiveness, and
responsibility...when parties fail to cooperate and communicate, both policies and constituencies suffer." (pg. 35)
"Economic Challenges for the New Democracies" by Andrew Richards
"Democracies at lower levels of economic development are weaker and more vulnerable to being undermined by economic
crises...key to survival of an established democracy is its ability to generate economic growth." (pg. 46)
"Democracies facing a decline in incomes die at a faster rate than those in which incomes are growing...; democracies with high rates
of inflation (greater than 30%) have a much lower life expectancy...; economic crisis represents one of the most common threats to
democratic stability...; poor democracies are far more vulnerable to economic crisis than mid-level and wealthy democracies...and
democracies, particularly poor democracies, are extremely vulnerable to bad economic performance...people expect democracy to
reduce income inequality, and democracies are more likely to survive when they do." (pg. 47, 48)
"Control of inflation and the establishment of stable macroeconomic conditions are seen as essential for the generation of long-term
economic growth. It has also been 'increasingly accepted that markets were efficient instruments for the allocation of economic
resources and that open foreign trade would bring competition and new technologies...new democracies are not only welcomed in
terms of newfound political rights, but are engulfed invariably by widespread societal demands for increased welfare provision and
greater social equality." (pgs. 49, 50)
"'In market economies the state still has an important role to fulfill, supplying those things that the market cannot do well...Investment in
infrastructure...and active manpower policies are all tasks which correspond to democratic states with market economies (Maravall)"'.
(pg. 55)
"Certain domestic reforms - both economic and noneconomic - are required for the state to become an effective and autonomous
instrument of equitable economic growth; rigorous and responsible macroeconomic policies, political accountability and
administrative transparency, competent public agencies, and a legal framework that permits private firms and nonprofit organizations
to deliver basic public services." (pg. 61)
"In Poland in 2001, health care and the social consequences of economic development were major political issues. Seventy-three
percent felt there was not enough economic and social equality, but 75 percent were in favor of democracy, with 57 percent choosing
freedom rather than equality, and only 35 percent choosing equality over freedom. Similarly, in Hungary in 2000, 82 percent felt more
prosperous under communism, but the majority did not wish to return to the communist system." (pg. 64)
"Constitutional Design and the Construction of Democracy" by Richard Simeon and Luc Turgeon
"A well-crafted constitution will not by itself guarantee democratic governance and practices, but a poorly crafted one will almost
certainly undermine them." (pg. 79)
"In constitutional discussions, questions of principles and philosophy are entwined with considerations of competing interests and
power and their expression in political institutions." (pg. 89)
"Brazil - The Ethics of Responsibility" by Fernando Henrique Cardoso
"Politicians should simply abide by an 'ethics of responsibility" and follow what they believe to be most sensible and politically
rewarding stance, regardless of any technical consideration...Today's world does not allow for such a facile solution." (pg. 205)
"Sustaining the 'right cause' or launching the 'good fight' is no longer enough for governments to be politically viable; they must deliver
what their constituencies expect of them...The task of fitting many conflicting demands into policies of common interest can be
achieved only if the necessary expertise is available to evaluate and fine-tune the various inputs." (pg. 206)
"The missing quality is what Isaiah Berlin defined as capacity for good 'political judgement,' which entails discerning when to avoid the
opposing risks of impractical idealism and uninspired realism...Good political judgement means having a sense for what is qualitative
rather than quantitative and having proven capacity for synthesis rather than analysis." (pg. 208)
"Building and Sustaining a Contemporary Democratic State" by Dominguez and Jones
"Parliamentary systems are based on unified control of the legislature and executive branches...presidentialism relies on separation
of the executive and legislative branches and are, consequently, less efficient and more prone to gridlock." (pg. 10)
"Strengthening Pluralism and Public Participation in New Democracies" by Grzegorz Ekiert and Anna Grzymala-Busse
"Responsible public participation can hardly rest on extremist or populist appeals, enticement to hatred and violence, or on antisystem
mobilization... (constraint) standard(s) of responsibility also apply to the internal workings of parties and organizations - well-defined
procedures, accountability, transparency, and respect for law should characterize their governance and finances. (pg. 25)
"(Public participation) is a complex matrix of the cultural, social, economic, historical, and geographic factors and specificities
associated with each democratic transition and consolidation...any strategy or policy recommendation has to be tailored to the specific
conditions of a given country." (pgs. 26-27)
"In designing the institutional framework for the media, steps should be taken to avoid monopolies on information, opportunities for
political interference, and excessive concentration through state or private ownership...at the same time, the press is expected to fulfill
its journalistic responsibilities as an essential part of free society" (pg. 27, 28)
"The chief challenge for democratic political parties is to navigate the demands of representation, responsiveness, and
responsibility...when parties fail to cooperate and communicate, both policies and constituencies suffer." (pg. 35)
"Economic Challenges for the New Democracies" by Andrew Richards
"Democracies at lower levels of economic development are weaker and more vulnerable to being undermined by economic
crises...key to survival of an established democracy is its ability to generate economic growth." (pg. 46)
"Democracies facing a decline in incomes die at a faster rate than those in which incomes are growing...; democracies with high rates
of inflation (greater than 30%) have a much lower life expectancy...; economic crisis represents one of the most common threats to
democratic stability...; poor democracies are far more vulnerable to economic crisis than mid-level and wealthy democracies...and
democracies, particularly poor democracies, are extremely vulnerable to bad economic performance...people expect democracy to
reduce income inequality, and democracies are more likely to survive when they do." (pg. 47, 48)
"Control of inflation and the establishment of stable macroeconomic conditions are seen as essential for the generation of long-term
economic growth. It has also been 'increasingly accepted that markets were efficient instruments for the allocation of economic
resources and that open foreign trade would bring competition and new technologies...new democracies are not only welcomed in
terms of newfound political rights, but are engulfed invariably by widespread societal demands for increased welfare provision and
greater social equality." (pgs. 49, 50)
"'In market economies the state still has an important role to fulfill, supplying those things that the market cannot do well...Investment in
infrastructure...and active manpower policies are all tasks which correspond to democratic states with market economies (Maravall)"'.
(pg. 55)
"Certain domestic reforms - both economic and noneconomic - are required for the state to become an effective and autonomous
instrument of equitable economic growth; rigorous and responsible macroeconomic policies, political accountability and
administrative transparency, competent public agencies, and a legal framework that permits private firms and nonprofit organizations
to deliver basic public services." (pg. 61)
"In Poland in 2001, health care and the social consequences of economic development were major political issues. Seventy-three
percent felt there was not enough economic and social equality, but 75 percent were in favor of democracy, with 57 percent choosing
freedom rather than equality, and only 35 percent choosing equality over freedom. Similarly, in Hungary in 2000, 82 percent felt more
prosperous under communism, but the majority did not wish to return to the communist system." (pg. 64)
"Constitutional Design and the Construction of Democracy" by Richard Simeon and Luc Turgeon
"A well-crafted constitution will not by itself guarantee democratic governance and practices, but a poorly crafted one will almost
certainly undermine them." (pg. 79)
"In constitutional discussions, questions of principles and philosophy are entwined with considerations of competing interests and
power and their expression in political institutions." (pg. 89)
"Brazil - The Ethics of Responsibility" by Fernando Henrique Cardoso
"Politicians should simply abide by an 'ethics of responsibility" and follow what they believe to be most sensible and politically
rewarding stance, regardless of any technical consideration...Today's world does not allow for such a facile solution." (pg. 205)
"Sustaining the 'right cause' or launching the 'good fight' is no longer enough for governments to be politically viable; they must deliver
what their constituencies expect of them...The task of fitting many conflicting demands into policies of common interest can be
achieved only if the necessary expertise is available to evaluate and fine-tune the various inputs." (pg. 206)
"The missing quality is what Isaiah Berlin defined as capacity for good 'political judgement,' which entails discerning when to avoid the
opposing risks of impractical idealism and uninspired realism...Good political judgement means having a sense for what is qualitative
rather than quantitative and having proven capacity for synthesis rather than analysis." (pg. 208)