Highland Scot Settlers in North Carolina
Highland Scot Settlers in North Carolina 1732-1776

Emigration of Scottish Highlanders began in the early 1730’s, but picked up steam with the defeat of Bonnie
Prince Charlie at Culloden in 1745, after which the British began the destruction of the clan system. Major
reasons for emigration were believed to be evictions and increased rents, breakdown of social ties due to the
decline of the clan system, and population pressures that resulted in increased poverty and unrest. North
Carolina was the destination of choice in America.

James Hogg, who emigrated in 1774 with a group of 280 Highlanders, was a tacksman.  Under the clan
system, the chieftain, interested in “man-rent” (warrior service), granted leases or tacks to near relatives for
low rents and a promise of military service.  These tacksmen then divided the land into smaller plots that they
rented to those who would agree to military service when the need arose.  Tacksmen held the land with a
long lease at low cost; the tenants, who farmed in common, held their leases for shorter terms and paid high
rates.  After 1746 when the military need disappeared, and when tacksmen leases expired, their rates were
increased by as much as fourfold and since passing this increase on was untenable, tacksmen were
effectively eliminated.  But since they were relatively well to do, they had the resources to relocate, and many
of them did, agreeing to take others with them.  

Hogg was one of these, and when he announced his intention of emigrating he was, in his words, besieged
by swarms of the discontented that wanted to go with him.  This particular group came mostly from
Caithness, Sutherland and the Orkneys.  Unlike most, Hogg praised his laird, but cited lack of law and order
as his reason for emigration.  His turnips, carrots, potatoes and peas were stolen from his fields before
harvest time, he claimed, and his house was burned down.  But most of the discontented émigrés were
more likely to have cited poverty, despair and the prospect of free land in America.

Estimates of the numbers of Highlander émigrés during the period between 1763 and 1775 vary widely, from
less than 10,000 to near 30,000.  But it was enough to bring concern, and calls were made for the
government to do something about it; as a result several requests for land grants were denied by the Board
of Trade.  Individual landlords also attempted to restrain the exodus, but it continued nonetheless.  The
colony of North Carolina had been royalized in 1729, and the disposal of unclaimed lands was at that time
the responsibility of crown officials.  Land grants of 320 and 640 acres were granted to people physically in
the colony, who could show themselves capable of cultivating the acreage.  Governor Gabriel Johnston, a
lowlander, who arrived in the colony in 1734 has been credited with encouraging Highlanders to immigrate to
and settle in North Carolina.

Most of the earlier settlers to North Carolina had come from Virginia and South Carolina since the shallow
and treacherous coastline made it difficult to do otherwise; most of those that were Scottish were
Lowlanders.  However, when the Cape Fear River proved navigable, and after 1720 pirate operations in that
area had been eliminated, Wilmington and the Cape Fear River began to be used to get to the colony.
Highlanders had appeared along the river as early as 1724 but the first real settlement was only established
in about 1732; the first persons with Highland names to appear in land grant records were James Innes,
Hugh Campbell and William Forbes. The first large group of Highlanders to make their way up river was a
group of 350 from Argylleshire in the year 1739.

On arriving at the port of Wilmington, Highlander immigrants were faced with a grueling 90mile trip up the
river to where it was joined by Cross Creek, providing the name of their settlement.  From there they had to
transfer to long boats, canoes and go by foot, probably taking at least a week.  And they had to adapt
themselves to the much warmer climate of North Carolina, as well as to new methods of agriculture.  The
upper Cape Fear Valley is dominated by sand hills that were not fertile, but the bottom lands were, supporting
such crops as Indian corn and European grains.  Settlers were also able to extract turpentine, rosin and pitch
from the plentiful pine forests.  Cross Creek grew up where the two creeks came together, and by 1768 eighty-
four lots had been sold and a flour mill had been constructed.

The language spoken by the settlers was Gaelic.  The time of arrival was generally in the early winter so that
food from the previous crop was available, and it was possible to secure acreage and begin tilling in the
Spring.  There were merchants, clergymen, tailors and shoemakers, but most were farmers.  The first order
of business was to fell enough longleaf pines to erect a log home, chinked with clay. Clapboard homes
began to appear later, after the sawmills were built.  Settlers cultivated the land that lay along the streams,
and used the area farther back for grazing.  Nor did they fell more trees for cultivation; they merely removed a
ring of bark, causing the foliage to fall off allowing the sun to reach the crops.  But the remaining roots and
trees made it difficult to use a plow, so many used hoes, both to till the soil and weed later.  Transportation of
farm tools was expensive and they were thus highly prized.  Most common were knife, hammer, saw,
horseshoes, axe, ox chain, spade, saddle, cart, shears, several iron wedges, hoes and a basket or tub.

The crops were Indian corn, wheat, oats, peas, beans, flax and sweet potatoes.  A common rotation was:
corn for two or three years, beans or peas for a year, and wheat for two or three years.  The bottom land soil,
though fertile soon became exhausted, since the Highlanders neither left it lie fallow nor fertilized; land was
so plentiful they just moved to a new field.  Sawmills and grist mills were both needed and by 1764 there
were already forty on the Cape Fear River.  Settlers also raised horses, cattle and hogs, and since there were
no fences the animals roamed free.  In the early summer there was a roundup and calves were branded,
brands being registered with the colonial authorities.  Cattle and hogs to be sold were usually driven to
Charleston.  It is also documented that during the 18th century North Carolina exported more naval stores
than any other colony.  So since the Highlanders lived in longleaf pine region it is reasonable to assume they
produced quantities of tar, pitch, turpentine, rosin, masts and spars.

In addition to large landowners there were tenant farmers to whom the landowners provided tools and were
paid one third of the crop produced.  There were also indentured servants who paid for their passage by
laboring an agreed upon number of years, usually from three to five.  Slaves were not as numerous as on the
seaboard, but approximately one fourth of Highlander families owned them at an average number of 4.7 per
family.  Newcomers benefited from a variety of wild mulberries, persimmons, plums, cherries,
brambleberries, raspberries, Spanish figs and a grain called “wild corn or rye” and most abundant of all,
grapes, that only required harvesting.   Wild meat such as rabbits, turkeys, partridges, pheasants, wild ducks,
and geese were also plentiful.  Additionally there were deer and bear from which the fat was used and was
“as good as olive oil for salad.”  In the rivers there was perch, pike and rockfish.  A few  farmers also had
other occupations, such as blacksmith, surveyor, tailor, weaver, shoemaker, wheelwright, fishermen, and
kelp burners.  

Cross Creek became a market center and products such as needles, buttons, thread, buckles, silk, nutmeg,
salt, pepper, molasses, rum, powder, hinges and hoes were brought up the river by merchants from
Wilmington.  Churches were built, and they were almost all Presbyterian, but with a problem of attracting
adequate Gaelic speaking ministers.  The first minister to preach at Cross Creek was Scotch-Irish and,
speaking no Gaelic, suspected that parishioners understood nothing of the sermon.  The first contracted
minister, one James Campbell, was brought in from Pennsylvania in 1758; he, as most of his Highlander
parishioners in Cross Creek, was from Argyllshire.  Since North Carolina was a Royal colony, however, until
1762 it only recognized marriage ceremonies performed by Anglican preachers.  Because of the highly
dispersed population, Campbell traveled among a number of different churches throughout the region.  The
Upper Cape Fear River society did not long stay exclusively Highland, however, and soon it was comprised
half of English, Irish, Welsh, German, Lowland Scottish, and even French, and although Gaelic was used into
the 19th century, most Highlands came to also speak English.  The last sermon in Gaelic was delivered in
1860.  Ministers, of course, also taught school.

From the time of their arrival the Highlanders were politically active.  James Innes was a Hanover County
Justice of the Peace as early as 1734, and he was a captain of the troops North Carolina sent to the West
Indies during the war of Jenkins’ Ear.  Innes was one of the few to survive Admiral Vernon’s disastrous
assault on Cartagena.  Later, holding the rank of Colonel, he was appointed commander-in-chief of the
expedition against the French and Indians in the Ohio Valley at the outbreak of the French and Indian War.  
Many other Highlanders also took public positions.  

The Highlanders, however they hoped otherwise, found they had not left the violence of war behind them in
Scotland.  The outbreak of the Revolutionary War put them once again in a position of having to declare for
one side or the other and surprisingly, considering their earlier experience, a large number fervently opted for
the Loyalist side.  This, of course, was not universally so, and the ranks of those in opposition to the British
included many Highland names.  During the earlier period of the Stamp Act controversy, being isolated, they
remained uninvolved, but that was quickly to change.  Late in 1775 General Gage sent two officers, General
Donald McDonald and Colonel Donald McLeod to conscript Highlanders.  On February 15, 1776 thirteen
hundred Highlanders were mustered and marched off to Brunswick, near the mouth of Cape Fear, to be
properly armed, trained and joined with seven regiments of Regulars from the British Isles under General
Cornwallis.  There was much tension in the Highland community at this time, for choosing sides was difficult
for many, and they were recruited by the Patriots as well as the British.

The Patriots, however, learned of the Brunswick march and sent units of militia and Minute Men to oppose the
Highlanders.  One was successfully evaded, but the other, blocking Moore’s Creek Bridge, over which the
Scots had to cross, engaged them.  Poorly led by Colonel McLeod (General McDonald had become ill), the
Highlanders were cut down from concealed fire from the Patriots as they tried to cross the bridge.  50 were
killed and 880 were captured and thrown into North Carolina’s common jails, leaving their families back at
Cross Creek to fend for themselves against Whig raids, during which farms were pillaged and burned,
causing much suffering.  When General Lord Cornwallis finally brought a British army into North Carolina late
in 1781, he expected the Cape Fear Highlanders to flock to his standards, but by then they were cold to his
pleas.

In April 1777 the Provincial Congress passed a law allowing Loyalist property to be confiscated, and
banishment of those who refused to take an oath of loyalty to the Revolutionary government.  Many left for
Florida, the West Indies, Britain or Canada, primarily Nova Scotia.  But not all Highlanders had supported the
Loyalist cause, and after the war; despite retaliatory laws, confiscations and pillaging; many remained.  Their
ancestors, though aggressively mixed in the American caldron, can be seen today in the foothills of North
Carolina, where they proudly proclaim their ancestry of the Scottish Highlands.

Reference:
Duane Meyer, The Highland Scots of North Carolina 1732-1776, The University of North Carolina Press,
Chapel Hill, 1961

Published in Highlander Magazine
Joseph Walker Finds Passage West to California

In the middle of August of the year 1833 the party of trappers and frontiersmen, numbering about 60, had
reached the valley of the Great Salt Lake.  Their objective, as laid out by Captain Benjamin Bonneville, was to
locate a route from there to the Pacific.  The brigade had been recruited at the rendezvous of 1833 on the
upper Green River, where some 350 white men, Shoshone, Flat Head and Nez Perce Indians had gathered
in July for the annual gathering; the fact that they were there showed the power of the lure of California.  Lewis
and Clark had reached Oregon in 1806, followed by Jedediah Smith, Ewing Young and William Wolfskill, and
Peter Ogden.  Young and Wolfskill traversed the Sonoran Desert.  Ogden and Smith following the same route
south of the Sierra Nevada mountains through the Mohave Desert that was neither direct nor safe.  Smith, on
his trip in 1827, was first to discover the basin of the Great Salt Lake; Ogden, of the Hudson’s Bay Company,
was later credited with discovering the Humbolt River.  But the waterless southern trail almost finished Smith
and his men, and Bonneville wanted to find a more direct route.  To lead that effort he had chosen a man
referred to as one of the ablest mountain men in North America, Joseph Reddeford Walker.

Walker had been born in Tennessee thirty four years earlier.  At fifteen, he and his older brother had fought
with Andrew Jackson at the battle of Horseshoe Bend against the Creek Red Sticks, after which the family
moved on to Missouri; but he soon continued on.  In the early 1920s he became one of the earliest
Americans, in the company of fellow Tennesseean, Ewing Young, to trap the streams of northern New
Mexico, where he also helped lay out the Santa Fe trail.  The Spanish threw him in jail for that effort.  From
then until he met Captain Bonneville he had tried his hand at various frontier occupations including guide,
hunter, drover and trader, and he led a 100-man party of mountain men through two tough seasons of
trapping in the Salmon and Snake River countries.  In 1827 he was even elected sheriff of Jackson County,
Missouri, a riotous boomtown that had proven rough on sheriffs.  But by then his reputation for being tough
and fair, and a deadeye shot, had proceeded him, and he rarely had to draw his gun.  After two terms he grew
restless of that and, turning down a third term, signed on with Bonneville.

A heavily bearded giant weighing more than two hundred pounds and standing six feet four inches in height,
Walker appeared the typical mountain man.  Blue-eyed, handsome in a hawk beaked way, and wearing his
hair long in the Indian style he was truly imposing.  In fact, considering the place and time, he was
considered something of a clothes horse; his leggings, hunting shirt and plumed slouch hat were elegantly
worked by Indian girls, with whom he shared mutual admiration.  He was a restless individualist, with the
usual mountain man aversion to authority; his physical strength, endurance and fortitude were unquestioned;
and his wilderness skills were second to none, having been honed continually and progressively for over
thirty years on the frontier.   But in addition, and here he departed from the norm, he was a leader, and as
such was highly respected by the vain, exuberant, fun-loving mountaineers; even though he himself was
moderate in behavior and speech and neither boasted , got drunk nor relinquished his own self control.  
There was another significant difference between him and his comrades: he was more interested in
exploring than in beaver, his repute as a trapper notwithstanding.

It came together for Walker when he met Bonneville, a captain in the Army who had taken leave from his post
at Fort Gibson, in the Indian Territory.  With the backing of a group of Manhattan businessmen, Bonneville
wanted to find new beaver hunting grounds west of the Great Salt Lake.  Walker was hired by Bonneville to
recruit, organize and lead trappers, in the words of Zenas Leonard’s journal, “through an unknown country,
towards the Pacific, and if he did not find beaver, he should return to the Great Salt Lake, in the following
summer.”  But “to explore unknown regions,” continued Leonard, was Walker’s “delight”……”I was anxious to
go to the coast of the Pacific, and for that purpose hired with Mr. Walker as clerk.”  There was little doubt that
Walker was intrigued by the prospect of finding a new and better passage into California in the quest for
beaver, and the mere word, California, was enough to gain him followers.  He had no difficulty at the
rendezvous on the Green River in the year of 1833 in assembling 40 seasoned mountaineers to accompany
him.

Walker’s brigade of trappers was well mounted, this being a trademark; of all the mountain men, he seems
to have the most knowledgeable stock man.  Each man had three horses in addition to the one he rode.  
They were packed, in the words of Leonard, with “every article necessary for the comfort of men engaged in
an expedition of this kind.”  Walker, Leonard went on to say, “was a man well calculated to undertake a
business of this kind.  He was well hardened in the hardships of the wilderness – understood the character
of the Indians very well – was kind and affable to his men, but at the same time at liberty to command without
giving offense, - and to explore unknown regions was his chief delight.”  Prior to moving into the Salt Lake
basin the party had stopped on the Bear River, where they hunted until each man had 60 pounds of dried and
jerked meat in his pack.  Ordinary mountain men would have neglected this precaution; they were prone to
gorge when the hunting was easy and starve later.

Joseph Walker’s first order of business on arriving in the Great Basin was to seek out a band of Bannock
Indians, a Shoshoni  people, to interrogate concerning the character of the country and likely routes west.  
Using the information he got, rumors he had heard, and his intuition as to what simply smelled right, the party
set out due west toward what is now called the Humbolt River, across the parched plains of northern
Nevada.  The going was hard.  Leonard wrote that, “our men, who were in such fine spirits when we left the
rendezvous, began to show symptoms of fatigue and were no longer so full of sport.”  But, as Smith had
found to his dismay, the area south was salt desert and would have been far worse.  They finally reached the
Humbolt near its source, and followed it downstream to the swamps of the Humbolt Sink, reaching the bogs
and lakes in September.  There they began to encounter Paiute Indians, another Shoshoni tribe derisively
known as Diggers; they were a stone age tribe that lived by gathering roots, beetles, lizards and hunting
small game.  

The Diggers were unfamiliar with white men and their equipment, and they were quite taken by metal tools.  
So while the trappers searched out meager supplies of beaver, the Indians hovered about and stole whatever
they could get their hands on when opportunity presented itself.  They otherwise attempted to appear
threatening, and their numbers, which grew daily, allowed them to do so.  Walker counseled patience, but
several of his men disregarded his counsel and, while out hunting, killed several of the Indians who had
stolen some of their traps.  With desire to steal reinforced by desire for revenge, the Diggers hovered
menacingly about the expedition, their numbers continuing to increase ominously until they had the party
surrounded with numbers between a eight and nine hundred.  Walker grew apprehensive and ordered the
trappers to throw up hasty breastworks of their packs, and with little time to spare.  The Indians marched
straight at the fortification, Leonard wrote, “dancing and singing in single file in the greatest of glee”, feigning
friendliness.  “When within about 150 yards or us, they all sat down on the ground, and despatched five of
their chiefs to our camp to inquire whether their people might come in and smoke with us.  This request
Captain Walker very prudently refused, as they evidently had no good intentions.  The problem was
compounded by the fact that the Diggers had never seen, nor did they understand what rifles could do. So
Walker demonstrated on a beaver skin target and several unfortunate ducks, but with little apparent effect on
the Indians.  As the trappers resumed the march the next morning, about a hundred of the bolder Indians
started making threatening feints.  Leonard: “This greatly excited Captain Walker, who was naturally of a very
cool temperament, and he gave orders for the charge, saying that there was nothing equal to a good start in
such a case.”  The trappers killed 39 Indians and the threat disappeared.

The Humbolt Sink turned into what is now called the Carson Sink; a series of bogs, swamps and lakes; but
behind that rose precipitously the great eastern wall of the Sierra Nevada mountains.  The party began
working their way up a river that later was named after Walker and, unable to find anything that looked like a
pass, started probing upward for whatever they could find.  The climb, encumbered by fields of boulders,
snow-choked gulches, and sheer–walled canyons, exhausted men and animals alike.  At one point, with
some men wanting to turn back, near mutiny prevailed.  It was averted only by allowing the men to butcher
several of the horses, with which they satisfied their hunger, for the time being; seventeen more were to be
slaughtered before they were to find game again.  Reaching the summit, over icy rock walls and cliffs, took
almost three weeks with the men suffering constantly from cold and hunger.  But the western decent offered
little improvement.  “Many small streams…would shoot out from under these high snow-banks, and after
running a short distance in deep chasms which they have through ages cut in the rocks, precipitate
themselves from on lofty precipice to another, until they are exhausted in rain below.  Some of these
precipices appeared to us to be more than a mile high.  Some of the men thought they if we could succeed in
descending one of these precipices to the bottom, we might thus work out way into the valley below – but on
making several attempts we found it utterly impossible for a man to descend to say nothing of our horses.”   
Moving down the spine that separated the plunging gorges of the Tuolumne River on the north and the
Merced on the south, the Walker party became the first known white men to look down on the Yosemite
Valley.  No route seemed open at first, but a spot was finally found where the horses could be let down on
ropes and after fighting their way through the boulders, at length Walker discovered a winding Indian trail led
the way down toward the valley below.  

As the worked their way down, snow began to recede, scrub oak to appear, and best of all, signs of deer and
bear came into evidence.  By the end of October 1833 the party had descended to the balmy floor of the San
Joaquin Valley, where they skirted the eastern shores of the San Francisco and San Pablo Bays and crossed
the coastal ranges before coming into view of the Pacific Ocean.  Before pushing on to Monterey, the capitol of
Upper California, camp was ordered near the mission at in San Juan Bautista.  “Here,” wrote Leonard,
“Captain Walker deemed it prudent to halt for a few days in order to ascertain the disposition of the people,
and make further inquiries with respect to the country, &c. lest we might be considered as intruders and
treated in a way that we would not much like.  It was our desire to keep on peaceable terms with the
Spaniards, at least no one desired to give the least offense of any kind.”  Walker, through the mediation of an
American ship captain, secured a passport, which, added to his scrupulous respect for foreign sensibilities,
ensured the welcome of the Spanish governor, Jose Figueroa.

The party spent the next three months in California enjoying Spanish hospitality, and Figueroa offered Walker
a 50 square mile tract of land if he would remain and bring in 50 families “composed of different kinds of
mechanics.”  Walker, however, declined, though six of his men accepted, and in January he collected his
men and turned to hunting in preparation for the trip back east.  On February 14, 1834, driving 340 horses, 47
head of cattle and 30 dogs, the brigade set off toward the south, paralleling the Sierras, looking for an easier
route back over the mountains.  Walker knew he didn’t want to go back the way he had come, and was
confident that a better could be found.  His break came when, while visiting a tribe of Indians 500 or 600
miles from the nearest Spanish settlement.  They suggested an alternative and offered two of their number to
guide them.

“In the morning we continued up the mountain in an eastern direction,” wrote Leonard in his journal, “and
encamped this evening at the lower end of the snow.  The next day we found the snow more plenty, and
encamped without grass of any kind.  We now began to apprehend hard times again.  Our horses no longer
resumed their march in the mornings with a playful cheerfulness, but would stumble along and go just when
their riders would force them to do so. From the beginning, after entering the Sierras they again had had
trouble finding water and lost some of the stock; the thirsty men were reduced to drinking the blood of these
animals for liquid.

“We continued travelling in this way for four days when we landed safely on the opposite side of the mountain,
in a temperate climate, and among tolerable pasture which latter was equally as gratifying to our horsed as
the former was to the men.”  The crossing took place above the headwaters of the Kern River, across a notch
later to be named Walker pass that took them through the mountains at the relatively easy elevation of 5,200
feet.  Joseph “Walker’s keen pathfinding instinct had led him to the most direct feasible way to California.”  
This was Walker’s most important discovery, and although the men thought only of the relative ease of
passage for themselves, he filed it away in his vast geographic memory, clearly realizing its importance.

On reaching the other side they paralleled the mountains, moving back toward the north, seeking the trail they
had used to come west, while avoiding the desert that lay to their east.  In this way the homeward journey was
made less difficult than the outward one, though the Nevada badlands were as challenging as ever. And
when they did intersect their original route on the eastern side of the Sierras, near the Humbolt Sink, they
once again encountered the Digger Indians, who had learned nothing from the previous year.  The Indians
again harassed the party, resulting in the killing of 14 more of their number.  The Walker party arrived at the
Bear River rendezvous on July 12, 1834, without loss of a single trapper, having discovered the Pass that was
destined to become one of the main entry points for emigrants bound for California.

In 1843, Joseph Walker was engaged to lead six mule drawn wagons and twenty three people of the Chiles
party from Fort Hall into California and he led them unerringly over the Walker Pass, establishing this as the
primary route through the mountains into California, to be used by many more parties over the rest of the
decade. In 1853 he testified before the California legislature in defense of using the Walker Pass for the
Central Pacific railroad through the Sierras, but it was rejected for another discovered some years after
Walker Pass by Kit Carson.  

In 1862, 64 years old and, except for failing eyesight, still remarkably fit, he was guiding a party of gold
prospectors through New Mexico and they ran low on water.  The old mountain man, however, undismayed,
assured them he had passed that way years before and knew the whereabouts of a good spring to the
southwest.  Daniel Connor, a prospector with the party, wrote, “after two more dry days there was much
anxiety felt, if not expressed, as to our old captain’s doubtful guess at the true positions of a spring after the
expirations of thirty years.”  But on the third day at the foot of a parched unpromising mountain, Walker bade
them dismount and start climbing, that near the summit they would find a flat rock and the spring, but to watch
out for Apaches.  The spring was found exactly as he described it.  But then a trapper named George Nidever
had once said, “Walker could find water quicker than any man I ever knew.”  He was also right about Indians,
as the same day they found three white men hanging by their ankles from a pinion tree.

In 1863 another prospecting party, led by Walker into what came to be known as Horse Thief Basin in Arizona,
began to run low on food.  Walker, though nearly blind, set off with Daniel Connor for the trading post at La
Paz, 200 miles away.  They were jumped by a pair of Mexican outlaws who took Connor by surprise.  Though
he was unable to see clearly, Walker’s instincts and reflexes were still intact and he drew and fired, driving
the outlaws away.  But, feeling guilty about having gotten them into the mess in the first place, he decided that
was enough.  Depressed, he left Arizona to spend his last years on a nephew’s ranch in Contra Costa
County, California.  Connor expressed the West’s farewell by writing, “this was the kindest man I ever knew,
considering the desperate chances which he had been constantly taking for thirty years amongst the
savages, burning desserts, and bleak snows.  Brave, truthful, he was as kindly as a child, yet occasionally he
was even austere.  I was but a boy and he kept me out of dangerous places without letting me know it or even
how it was done.”  Joe Walker died on October 27, 1876 at the age of 78.  He was buried at Martinez,
California with the following epitaph: “BORN IN ROAN CO. TENN.DEC. 13, 1798.  EMIGRATED TO MO. 1819.
TO NEW MEXICO, 1820.  ROCKY MOUNTAINS, 1832. CALIFORNIA, 1833.  CAMPED AT YOSEMITE, NOV. 13,
1833.”

REFERENCES:
Westering Man, Bil Gilbert, Atheneum, New York, 1983.
Jedediah Smith and the Mountain Men of the American West, John Logan Allen, Chelsea House Publishers,
New York, 1991.
The Trailblazers, Bil Gilbert, Time-Life Books, New York, 1973.
The Pioneers, Huston Horn, Time-Life Books, New York, 1974
A Life Wild and Perilous, Robert M. Utley, Fitzhenry and Whiteside, Ltd, Ontario, 1997.
Men Unto My Mountains, Irving Stone, Doubleday and Company, inc., New York, 1956.
Mountain Men of the American West, James A. Crutchfield, Tamarack Books, Inc., 1997.
Adventures of a Mountain Man, Zenas Leonard, R.R Donelly, Chicago, 1934.
Joseph Walker Finds Passage West to California